My first encounter with the late Balasaheb Thackeray’s outfit was sometime in 1973 on a day when his father
died. Until then he was a minor chieftain, still trying to find his feet in the
overcrowded political sphere of Mumbai and Maharashtra. But on that day, when
his father died, he let loose his cadre on the hapless shopkeepers of Dadar and
forced them to down their shutters. I happened to be in the market and saw how
quickly the shopkeepers were intimidated into obedience. The Shiv Sena cadre
consisted mainly of the Marathi speaking village folk that had come to Mumbai
to eke out a marginalised existence working as daily-wage labourers in the city’s sweat shops. Balasaheb had cunningly used the
son-of-the-soil stratagem successfully to give these rootless people an
identity, while turning the non-Marathi speakers into demons who had wrongfully
occupied their lands and deprived them of their rights on the jobs and in the
economic activities of the city/state.
Soon, the Shiv Sena had grown into a potent political force
catapulting its founder to a position where he could sup at the high table with
the big guns of all the leading political parties of the time. His party was
sought by all as an ally for he could deliver muscle to electoral campaigns
that till then was provided by the underworld. Balasaheb also cleverly
positioned himself as a champion of the Hindus when the Congress and the
various parties left-of-the-centre began to woo minority votes following the
failure of the Janata Party experiment in 1979. This, naturally, brought him
closer to the BJP that rose phoenix-like from the ashes of the Jana Sangha. The
slogan “Garv
se kaho hum Hindu hain”
found
immediate resonance in the hearts of the Hindutva-wadis
who were ready to turn India into a Hindu
Rashtra.
However, for Balasaheb, Hindutva
was only a step in the ladder to political power. Although he never
deviated from his support to the Hindutva
movement, the BJP would soon find out that his loyalties could not be taken
for granted. Balasaheb would ditch them whenever it was convenient for him.
Using his cadre to break into the labour movement in Mumbai, he gradually
gained control over a very large number of workers’ unions. The death of Datta Samant and the decline of
George Fernandez as a Union leader would make him the sole arbiter on behalf of
the millions of workers across Mumbai and its industrial suburbs. At the same
time the underworld also lost a lot of its influence due to many encounter
deaths, and inter-and-intra gang killings. Dawood Ibrahim with his assistants
fled to Dubai and Karachi while Chhota Rajan and other gang lords too had to
flee to safe havens outside India. I do not know how much the Shiv Sena
benefited from the absence of these unworthies, but it would not be idle
speculation to think that Ram Gopal Verma’s film “Sarkar” was not totally a work of
fiction.
On 10th January 1993 I was in Chennai. My family
was in Mumbai and I wanted to be there as that day was my son’s 20th birthday. Mumbai had been witnessing
terrible communal violence in the wake of the first anniversary of the
demolition of the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya. Curfew had been imposed at night,
and my friends cautioned me against travelling. However, I took the chance and
booked a seat on the Indian Airlines flight that landed at the Mumbai Airport
at about 10.30 p.m. There was no certainty of finding a taxi or any other kind
of transport from the airport. One option was to book into the Centaur Hotel
near the Airport and to spend the night there. Many of the business travellers
on the flight did take that option. But the whole purpose of my trip was to be
with the family. I came out to the taxi stand to look for a cab. Surprisingly,
there was a taxi looking for passengers. The driver asked for my destination,
and on hearing from me asked me to sit in the back of his cab. He said he would
charge me Rs. 150 for the journey. I readily accepted and got into the cab.
Soon he picked up three more passengers on similar terms, and within ten
minutes we were out of the airport. The roads were completely deserted, with
not even a soul on the Western Express Highway. The driver began talking and
soon we learnt that he was a retired airman from the IAF. He commented that the
highway was so free that it felt like a runway. His name was Arun Patankar, and
he reassured us that we were safe with him. His white uniform signified that he
was the owner of the taxi. In a trice we were at Mahim creek where two people
on the road waved us to stop. Arun kept his foot down on the accelerator and
flew past them. We reached Kohinoor Mills, where the Shiv Sena has its
Headquarters, without any incident, and without seeing any sign of life on the
roads. Here we were stopped by a police party who wanted to know where we were
heading. Arun told the Inspector that he had picked up passengers from the
airport, and was dropping us at our destinations. The Inspector told him that
there was a rampaging Shiv Sena mob ahead, and advised Arun to lower the window
glasses, to drive slowly, and to stop when asked. He said that in no case
should he try to flee. We moved ahead and, sure enough, we were soon besieged
by a mob armed with swords, hatchets, and staves. Arun, waved to the mob;
stopped the cab; leaned out; and shouted, “Jai Maharashtra”. The mob wanted to know who he and his passengers were. We
told them that we had come from Chennai and were visitors to the city. One
fellow wanted to see our boarding cards. I showed him mine, and on seeing my
name on it he wanted to know the names of the other passengers. Two of them had
Christian names, while the third was a Tamil Hindu. Satisfied, the mob let us
move but warned that we could again be stopped and therefore should move very
slowly. On the sides we could see the smouldering remains of vehicles that had
been torched. Menace had a palpable, physical presence and dark figures loomed
in the shadows. Another group of armed men stopped us and the same exchange
took place. We went past the Portuguese Church in Dadar and very soon were near
Century Bazaar in Worli where the two Christian gentlemen got down. The third
passenger was going up to an apartment complex in Prabhadevi. Apparently he
lived in Chennai but some pressing reason had made him to come to Mumbai at these
dangerous times. His brother was residing in the complex and he looked forward
to celebrating Pongal with him and his family. We reached the gates of his
complex where he got down and was kind enough to suggest that I too could stay
in his brother’s flat and go home in the
morning. I asked Arun how he felt about it. He said if I was willing to go, he
would readily take me home. I thanked the last passenger and told Arun to turn
around. Suddenly his car wouldn’t start, and for a moment I
felt as if fate was telling me not to proceed any further. I was about to shout
to the retreating figure of my co-passenger when the engine coughed into
action. Arun drove away from the complex and was moving towards Dadar Bridge
when another mob sprang from the shadows and shouted for him to stop. Arun
stopped and repeated his slogan of “Jai Maharashtra”. One miscreant hit his taxi meter with an iron pipe asking
him if he did not know that there was curfew in force and how he dared take his
taxi out. Arun pleaded that he was only helping stranded passengers and
actually doing a service to the public. The leader of the mob poked his head
inside the cab and asked me my name. He wanted to see my passport since I
claimed to have come from the airport. Fortunately, he accepted my explanation
that I was a domestic traveller and did not insist on seeing my passport. He
did not want to see my boarding card either, and waved to the mob to let us
pass. That encounter was really frightening, and but for the presence of mind
and the confident manner of Arun Patankar, I may not have been alive to tell
the tale. The mob was ever on an edge and one wrong word or move would have
resulted in instant annihilation.
We crossed Dadar Bridge and at the roundabout found a
police jeep patrolling the area. The police officer too wanted to know what we
were doing on the road at that time when the city was under curfew. By then I
had had enough, and instead of replying, I asked the officer to tell me where
he was going. He replied that his patrol jeep was on a round and would be going
to Thane. I asked him to stay with our taxi and provide us escort till
Ghatkopar. He signalled for us to follow him, and we were again on our way.
With the patrol jeep ahead, we reached my apartment building without any further
incident. By then it was past one a.m. I offered Arun more than the Rs 150 he
had initially demanded and suggested that he could spend the night in my home.
He thanked me, declining both the offers. His home was in Dadar area and he
would rather go back to his family, as they would be worried about his welfare.
I paid him the fare, said good bye, and waited till the tail-lights of his cab
went out of the compound of the apartment building.
I think Arun Patankar is a true hero of our times. To be
concerned about total strangers, stranded by riots, not knowing how to get to
their destinations, and to ply his taxi during such dangerous times, is an act
of great courage and spirit. That he made a trifle more money than he would
normally have made, does not take anything away from his bravery and
public-spiritedness. He was putting his life and the means of his livelihood in
extreme jeopardy just for the sake of ferrying totally unknown people to their
homes. I am sure he would have safely made it back to his family that night.
People like Arun are very rare and they carry with them the blessings and good
wishes of countless strangers.
What can one say about the legacy of Balasaheb Thackeray?
There can be no doubt that he created a powerful organization that could
influence politics at the regional and national levels. His goodwill was sought
by powerful industrialists, movie moghuls, and politicians from all the
parties. He was Godfather to the large cadre of Shiv Sainiks who were ready to
do his bidding without demur. He was able to bring India-Pakistan cricket to a
complete halt, and neither the Central Government nor the powerful cricket
baron, Sharad Pawar could make him budge. He exercised the power to censor
films, publications, and art if they offended his Maharashtrian or Hindu
sentiments. He could bring all activity to a full stop, as he did on the day of
his death and on the following day of his cremation. Yet, for all the
outpourings of grief by his followers and the paeans of praise sung by the media
and the glitterati, one cannot but feel that their expressions were motivated
more by fear than by any genuine love for the man. Perhaps the city of Mumbai
was heaving a collective sigh of relief at the passing of this Tiger. Perhaps,
it may be more appropriate to remember him as Mumbai's 'Tigger'. After all,
wasn't he a cartoonist before he became a politician? His son and heir does not
have the charisma of the father, nor is he in the best of health. His nephew,
Raj, is a rabble-rouser without the sophistication of the uncle, and will
remain a fringe player in Mumbai politics. I cannot see Raj Thackeray merging
his MNS with the parent organization and playing second fiddle to Udhav. The
Shiv Sena has reached the peak of its power and is now inevitably on the
downward slope. For how long will the memory of Bal Thackeray survive in the
collective consciousness of the people of Maharashtra is anybody’s guess. But, for me, it is Arun Patankar who truly
symbolises the Maratha spirit of Shivaji, and not the saffron-robed, rudraksha-adorned Tigger of Matoshree, Bandra.
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